The real effect of the “surge” in Iraq

This is a question primarily to Lizard_King and to everybody else who is very well familiar with the real situation on the ground in Iraq these days.

For the last half of the year I’ve been curious about the “surge” and its effect on Iraq.

These days in USA it seems like pretty much everybody agrees that things in Iraq today are much better than they were before the “surge”. And there is plenty of statistics to back up this conclusion, so I think we could safely assume that this is indeed the case there.

What I curious about is this – how much of the current relative success in Iraq actually belongs to the “surge”? I’ve read several articles that say that the main reason behind much lower death rate for the American soldiers and the current relative calm in Iraq are very active backroom deals between various USA special agencies and Sunni rebel sheikhs. Basically USA officials spend huge fortunes on bribing and pushing Sunni rebel leaders to break up with Al Qaeda and other foreign fighters and stop attacking American troops, in exchange for huge piles of money, weapons and various promises regarding the future.

This tactic seems to be very successful so far. However what it has to do with surge itself? Perhaps surge made it somewhat more efficient, but I wonder if the same tactic couldn’t be employed sooner with similar results? It seems that the main problem before was that previous USA generals have been trying to crash the rebels by using mostly military force, rather than trying to bribe/befriend them, as the current USA chief commander has been advocating.

I am sure that surge has played a positive role as well, especially in the area of Bagdad. But when I am hearing McCain going on and on about how he always believed in surge, and how now it is producing the marvelous results, I can’t help but wonder at how every politician and talking head on TV seems to be so hell bend on praising “surge” without even mentioning all these shadow deals with Sunni sheikhs.

All this is just my guesswork, so I could very well be wrong here. So what do you think guys?

There’s also al-Sadr’s 6-month Mahdi Army ceasefire.

If true that sounds incredibly stupid and a recipe for future disaster. Bribing your enemies with weapon shipments? Is there any point to this charade other than to make the status quo last until Bush has retired?

I’ve also heard that part of the reason for the less violence was that most areas of Baghdad had been ethnically cleansed.

The stated purpose of the surge was to give cover for the Iraqis to get their shit together politically…by that metric would you say it’s worked?

Iraq’s three-man presidency council Wednesday announced that it’s vetoed legislation that U.S. officials two weeks ago hailed as significant political progress.

http://www.mcclatchydc.com/100/story/28890.html

First, a caveat: my firsthand experience only extends through May of last year…from that point on I’m just an interested observer with some background on the subject. It’s not your job to follow my career, so I just wanted to clear that up.

As bd notes, that success comes with a lot of asterisks. The political goals have plainly not been reached even though the significantly less violent environment that was supposed to permit them to occur has been obtained.

What I curious about is this – how much of the current relative success in Iraq actually belongs to the “surge”?

I’ll put it this way: while it may not have been the primary factor that changed, it was in my opinion an essential one. The surge would have been completely useless without the other factors that you state (there are so many layers its hard to distill), but the current level of success could not have occurred without the surge being a part of our strategy.

Whether you think that success is enough (I don’t) is a separate issue…does that make it any clearer?

I’ve read several articles that say that the main reason behind much lower death rate for the American soldiers and the current relative calm in Iraq are very active backroom deals between various USA special agencies and Sunni rebel sheikhs. Basically USA officials spend huge fortunes on bribing and pushing Sunni rebel leaders to break up with Al Qaeda and other foreign fighters and stop attacking American troops, in exchange for huge piles of money, weapons and various promises regarding the future.

I’d have to see the specific articles you are referring to, but I think it’s very easy mischaracterize the majority of these deals. The money and weapons are a part of the incentive for the Sunni sheiks (and I’m generalizing heavily), but they stopped attacking American troops because of the big picture of the Sunni future.

What that meant was, to the best of my understanding, they saw the end of the American occupation in any significant sense was near. They factored in the net gain from acting as Al Qaeda proxies and getting their cities blown into rubble as the finest in an entire generation of Sunnis was decimated, and they compared continuing on that track to the cost/benefit of cooperating with America. All of that with the end state of having to somehow constructively address the Shiite majority upon our departure. Whether the outcome of that confrontation is war or compromise, the Sunni leaders now are determined to negotiate from the best position of strength they can muster.

It’s very easy to present them as inherently untrustworthy or deceitful because they are open about their self interest as it extends to their turf and tribes. Some are little better than glorified gangsters, to be sure. But they are rational survivors, as a general rule far more secular in mindset than the Shiite leaders, and while arming, training, and organizing them into functioning polities with police forces and involvement in the army is far from a perfect solution, it is the best alternative to continued fruitless combat between them and the US followed by a genocidal Shiite rampage the moment we leave.

Checks and balances as we understand them have no future in Iraq. The only shot at anything approaching peace comes from ensuring the costs of war are obvious and high for all involved. That segues into a discussion of involving the neighbors in the negotiations directly rather than addressing them only as spies and terrorists, but I’ll leave that alone for the moment.

All this is just my guesswork, so I could very well be wrong here. So what do you think guys?

Other than that, I understand your apprehension about McCain. He is (at best) being disingenuous about the state of the occupation by presenting the surge and its results in a manner so obviously designed to pander to his base. So, I guess I mean that while the surge has worked within a certain constrained definition (that falls far short of its stated objectives), it is still the obligation of every decent American to call John McCain on the bullshit lessons he is drawing from that. That’s the kind of man who doesn’t need Iraq’s neighbors for his Iraq exit strategy, for instance, and that kind of man can go fuck himself.

Docvego’s reference to “ethnic cleansing” is a little loaded, but it’s not far from the truth in literal terms. As tragic as it is in a city once as ethnically diverse and tolerant as Baghdad was (setting aside what that actually means in a police state run by a minority, etc), segregation appears to be the only way to avert slaughter for the time being.

Correct me if I’m wrong here, but I thought the US soldier death rate dropped because we started arming/paying off one side rather than fighting them, not because we dropped more soldiers in.

That was great and very informative response Lizard_King, it has clarified a lot of things for me. It also meshes well with the facts that I’ve heard about the current situation in Iraq from the sources that I trust, while explaining things I was not clear about. Thanks a lot!

No problem. I’m glad you got something out of it, because I just reread it and it seems unusually garbled even for me. I have since resolved to enforce a minimum 12 hour recovery period between producing a paper the day before it’s due and writing extended posts.

For whatever it’s worth, a kid that use to work with me, came into the shop today. He’s on leave for two weeks, been in Iraq for about 7 months now and isn’t expecting his tour to end after the normal 12. His unit has split their time between Tikrit and Mosul. Without pushing him, he volunteered that most of his buddies aren’t buying into the surge, that the humvee sucks, but that they just got MRAP’s and that the Sunnis and Shias are both still trying to get the US Army to do their dirty work on the other.

I did, your post is totally fine. The only thing I am still curious about after reading it is what do you feel are mechanics behind of how the surge “was essential factor” for the current level of success. Do you feel that it has helped with these deals with Sunni sheikhs to occur? (perhaps by allowing USA to negotiate/bargain from the slightly stronger position?) Or did you mean that the surge was beneficial in unrelated to the Sunni-deals way, like improving the security in Baghdad?

Well, I think it’s easy to view the Sunni leader situation as if they exist in a vacuum where they can switch the violence on and off at will. It’s just as difficult to control as you’d imagine it would be, and it makes their side of it a lot more manageable if we can establish a convincing presence (requiring personnel) in an intelligent manner (employing the Petraeus doctrine FOR SHORTHAND PLEASE DON’T FLIP OUT I KNOW THE BACKGROUND KTHANX).

The way it worked in Ramadi is that we would establish the secure enclaves, and then fill in the gaps with Iraqi soldiers and police once the enclave was clear. Without that initial quid pro quo, there was nothing on the table that we could offer that would benefit them in concrete terms. All the guns and money in the world don’t mean a thing if you can’t say you run the show on your turf, and that is the deal we were offering them.

The Sunnis don’t operate as a unified bloc…at their most convenient they are a loose confederation of people that see eye to eye on the biggest issues and are willing to not shoot each other over the rest of them. In between these forward thinking leaders, there are a lot people operating on a different level that need to be convinced with a combination of killing and presence.

So that ties in neatly with the “deal with the devil” aspect of the negotiations. Like I said earlier, that’s not so much inaccurate as shortsighted in thinking there’s any other option.

As far as Baghdad goes, that is in my opinion linked to the ethnic cleansing/segregation described earlier. Without the surge, we lacked the manpower to create those divides coherently. It left us with a constant bleed of instability that left little room for long term negotiations beyond tomorrow. You can’t even have a ceasefire without those kinds of boundaries.

I’m very sympathetic to that view, as I know how hard it is to see past that viewpoint as someone whose personal time in a combat deployment has been increased by the surge. But I do think its very easy to get wrapped up in the tactical aspects of the surge and ignore the strategic implications; it’s really difficult to view the locals as rational actors when you’re inside the fishbowl with them.

I wouldn’t want you to think I’m speaking as an advocate of America’s Iraq strategies throughout the occupation; I’m not. But in the context of David’s question, specifically referring to the brand of progress we are discussing, I believe it would be inaccurate to characterize the surge as ineffective.

Thanks for the clarification. So if I understand you correctly, this arming of Sunni chiefs is intended to strengthen them against the Shiite majority, following a large-scale withdrawal of US troops? That makes sense but… it’s assuming that the occupation will in fact end soon, which is something that Bush and the various candidates keep denying.

That’s one goal, yeah. The reduction in troop presence has to be pretty significant in the next couple of years, whether John “Check Out My Balls” McCain gets elected or somebody better. I haven’t heard any estimates of our military’s status that allow for much less. I’m curious myself which approach they are going to embrace to address this inevitability, given the amount of stuff (set aside people) we have in country. While General Petraeus has said a lot of mixed things on the subject, I don’t really think he’ll have a lot of latitude on it, especially with a Democratic administration.

What I gathered from Clinton’s reactions to the testimonies of General Petraeus and General Jones’ Iraq Commission left me with the impression that she intends to take a pretty strong line on withdrawal, and I can’t imagine Obama’s answer would be any less. They’ve both been beating around the bush a bit during the campaign, but I think they have the right idea. I think Hillary’s line during the Petraeus hearing was “you have to be willing to sit at the table with bad people”, and I could almost hear the sarcastic air quotes around bad.

I know it adds nothing to the real discussion, but I can’t help meself. The “money shot” is at about the 1:25 mark.

http://mfile.akamai.com/5913/wmv/whitehouse.download.akamai.com/5913/2008/03/20080303-2.v.asx

I really didn’t understand much of his fumferring but he looks like a little kid in trouble in the principals office.
Since you don’t really hear about “the war” on tv much these days, are a dozen or so soldiers still still dying every month?

Sadly, It’s a bit more than that

http://icasualties.org/oif/US_chart.aspx

LK, ran across this today. Do you think these agreements might make the implementation of HRC or Obama’s vision a bit more troublesome? And will McCain use them as a selling tool for his.

Satterfield repeatedly refused to directly answer Ackerman’s hypothetical'' questions, though he did say that Bush administration’s legal experts believethat nothing in the content of the strategic framework or the SOFA trigger advise and consent constitutional requirements.’’
You’re describing the pit as bottomless,'' Ackerman said of the Iraq war.You’re describing the process as unending.’’
Later Satterfield indicated that Congress would not be provided the two agreements before they are shown to the Iraqis, saying it is not administration practice to share ``negotiating texts.’’
Satterfield also said the administration viewed the 2002 congressional authorization for the use of force in Iraq as still valid, despite much-different circumstances in Iraq now.

http://www.enterprisenews.com/news/x1993293421

Satterfield also said the administration viewed the 2002 congressional authorization for the use of force in Iraq as still valid, despite much-different circumstances in Iraq now.

Of course it’s still valid. Congress is free to vote again and repeal their authorization of force if they wish to. But until they do, it’s valid just like anything else they do. They pass a law, circumstances change, but do we just say, “Gee, things have changed, I guess we’ll just ignore this because we think Congress feels otherwise now”. The resolution isn’t a law of course, but I think the parallel still stands. If the Dems don’t think the resolution should still be valid, then they should grow some and repeal it.

I’d have a tough time seeing either Clinton or Obama being restrained by this. But I could see a president McCain using it to mild advantage for his vision, but I think leaning too much on these sort of abstract commitments would fundamentally undercut the approach he’s adopted so far. You know, straight talk about hard war. But that’s just conjecture on my part from what I’ve seen of their views and the summaries of these agreements…a lot of the legalese surrounding them is difficult to figure out. That’s probably more a question for people that are really into those candidates, because their Iraq talk is still so loosely framed.

I will say I think Grifman is right: if you want to repeal the use of force in Iraq you need to do so, not attach it arbitrarily to a UN resolution’s timeline. Delahunt’s words struck me as political posturing. Not the worst I’ve seen in this context, but pretty lame.