It’s a little unclear. What I mean, specifically, is the need of the populace to protect the trust the soldiers have in authority – if your soldiers are cynical and inclined to constantly suspect their orders, they are severely diminished as a fighting force.
Kerry’s words indicated that the authorities issuing orders in Vietnam were explicitly untrustworthy and the soldiery had been cruelly played as fools. This is fundamentally disheartening, and the civilians of a country with disheartened and mistrustful soldiers have good reason to be afraid. Therefore, the population prefers to keep the soldiers’ morale high by threatening and silencing those who have credible and justifed complaints with the war authorities.
If the reasons for going to war are sufficiently murky enough, the leadership can keep the civilians supporting the war effort with this implied threat, and the civilian population will by and large generally parrot any false justification for the suppression of anti-war sentiment inasmuch as there remains even the smallest grounds for war. For example, touting that “taking out Saddam” (after the fact) was enough for the war, terribly inconsistent as it is with previous justification and current international policy, is continuously heard simply because the population at large wants the soldiers to know that we support them and that we’re trying – really TRYING – to help them sleep easier and that they are doing the “right thing” over there in Iraq.
Of course, suppressing such speech isn’t the answer, but this isn’t an area that’s clearly black-and-white when it comes to morality. For some, taking a stand against unprincipled and cavalier leadership is the highest moral prerogative; for others, it’s ensuring that our armed forces can operate when they need to unencumbered by doubt and broken morale and that the occupation of soldier remains respected.
However, when you first tell a soldier that he’s a homeland hero as he sets off to war, and then call him a traitor and a killer when he returns, he’s going to be upset with the public at large regardless of how wrongheaded the wartime leadership was. It’s hard enough for a soldier to reconcile his own doubts with the violence performed in the name of duty. As Kerry suggested back in '71: how DO you ask a man to be the last one to die for a mistake? Currently, the answer seems to be to violently declaim that any mistake was made.
Jason: the soldiers don’t want to hear that their buddies were the last ones to die for that mistake, nor do they want to hear that the violence they committed in the service of their country was a mistake. Like I said, they tend to blame the messenger for bringing it up and betraying that unspoken covenant between soldiers: that what we do in the name of duty is always justified, because if it isn’t, how can we do our duty?